Sheikh Bahāʾī

Sheikh Bahāʾī, a jurist, hadith scholar, philosopher, poet, mathematician, litterateur, astronomer, and a prominent scholar of the Safavid* era (1547–1621/953–1030).¹

His full name was Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muhammad b. ‛Ezz al-Dīn Hussein b. ‛Abd al-Ṣamad b. Shams al-Dīn Muhammad Ḥārethī Jabal ‛Āmelī. His lineage traces back to Ḥāreth b. Aswad al-Hamdānī, a companion of Amīr al-Muʾmenīn Ali, which earned him the title Ḥārethī Hamdānī.² Born in Baalbek, one of the cities of present-day Lebanon, he moved with his family at the age of one to Jaba‛, a village in Jabal ‛Āmel. His father, ‛Ezz al-Dīn Hussein (d. 1576/984), migrated to Iran with his family following the martyrdom of Shahīd Thānī (d. 1559/966), in response to an invitation from Shāh Ṭahmāsb (r. 1524–1576/930–984) and Sheikh Ali Menshār (d. 1576/984), the Sheikh al-Eslām of Isfahan and Sheikh Bahāʾī’s father-in-law.³ Initially residing in Isfahan for three years, ‛Ezz al-Dīn Hussein then moved to Qazvin, where he was appointed Sheikh al-Eslām. After serving in this role for seven years, he traveled to Mashhad and later to Herat, where he held the same position for another seven years before returning to Qazvin. Throughout these years, Bahāʾ al-Dīn accompanied his father. However, when ‛Ezz al-Dīn Hussein set out for pilgrimage to Mecca, Bahāʾ al-Dīn was not permitted to join him and remained in Qazvin until his father’s death in 1576/984.⁴ Following his father’s death, Shah Ṭahmāsb appointed Bahāʾ al-Dīn as Sheikh al-Eslām of Herat,⁵ but he soon returned to Isfahan within the same year to assume the same position there.⁶ After a period of service, he resigned from the post and embarked on an extended journey to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca. He returned to Isfahan in 1616/1025 and remained close to Shah ‛Abbās*, spending the rest of his life at his court.

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s wife, the daughter of Sheikh Ali Menshār, was a learned woman who inherited her father’s precious library of 4,000 volumes after his death. In 1030/1621, Sheikh Bahāʾī endowed this collection as a waqf. However, following his death, the library was lost due to negligence in its preservation.⁷ Most sources do not mention any children for him, and some even describe him as having been without offspring.⁸

Some biographical sources have recorded the year of his death as 1031/1621–22;⁹ however, according to most reliable accounts, he passed away in 1030/1621. ¹⁰It is said that a few days  before his death, Sheikh Bahāʾī visited the tomb of Bābā Rukn al-Dīn Shīrāzī* with a group of his students, during which he experienced a mystical vision interpreted as a sign of his impending death¹¹. Following this event, he withdrew into seclusion, and after seven days of illness, he passed away. In accordance with his will, he was buried in Mashhad, in his former school near the shrine of Imam Reza.¹²

His Teachers

Sheikh Bahāʾī began his studies in Qazvīn under the supervision of his father, ‛Ezz al-Dīn Hussein, and continued them in Isfahan with other scholars. In fact, his first and most influential teacher was his father, from whom he learned Qurānic exegesis, hadith, Arabic literature, and the rational sciences. He also received from him an Ejāza (authorization) for transmission.¹³ Among his other teachers were: (1) Mullā ‛Abdullāh Yazdī, author of the gloss on Tahdhīb al-Manṭeq by Taftāzānī; (2) Mullā Ali Mudhahhab; (3) Mullā Ali Qāʾenī; (4) Mullā Muhammad-Bāqer Yazdī; (5) Aḥmad Gachāʾī; (6) Sheikh ‛Abd al-Ali Karakī, son of al-Muḥaqqeq al-Karakī; (7) Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Abī al-Laṭīf Muqddasī Shāfe‛ī; and (8) Mīr Dāmād*.¹⁴

His Students

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s scholarly reputation and social standing attracted a large number of students.¹⁵ Among the most renowned of them were:1- Muhammad Taqī Majlesī*; 2- Muhammad Muḥsen Feyḍ Kāshānī; 3- Mullā Ṣadrā Shīrāzī*; 4- Sayyed Mājed Baḥrānī; 5-Javād b. Sa‛d al-Baghdādī, known as Fāḍel Javād; 6- Mullā Hasan Ali Shūshtarī, son of Mullā ‛Abdullāh Shūshtarī; 7- Mullā Khalīl b. Ghāzī Qazvīnī; 8- Mullā Ṣāleḥ Māzandarānī*; 9- Zayn al-Dīn Ali b. Sulaymān al-Baḥrānī, known as Umm al-Ḥadīth; 10- Rafī‛ al-Dīn Muhammad Nāʾīnī, better known as Mīrzā Rafī‛ā.¹⁶

Scholarly Contributions and Writings

Sheikh Bahāʾī was well-versed in all the formal sciences recognized in his time and was regarded as uniquely proficient in several of them. Various bibliographical sources mention more than one hundred works authored by him.¹⁷ His most celebrated work, al-Kashkūl—commonly referred to as the Kashkūl of Sheikh Bahāʾī—is a rich compendium encompassing diverse fields of knowledge and learning, serving as a mirror of both his erudition and intellectual inclination. In the introduction to al-Kashkūl, he states that in his youth, he authored another, more concise work in a similar style¹⁸ entitled al-Mekhlāt.¹⁹

Sheikh Bahāʾī is regarded as one of the foremost Imāmī hadith scholars of the eleventh century/seventeenth century. The line of authorizations (ejāzāt) to transmit hadith  for many later hadith-scholars terminates with him and, through him, extends to his father and ultimately to Shahīd Thānī.²⁰ He played a pivotal role in the intellectual flourishing of the Isfahan seminary, and some sources credit him with founding several religious schools in the city.²¹ Among his major contributions to Islamic sciences are the following works: Mashreq al-Shamsayn wa Eksīr al-Sa‛ādatayn, in which he presents Shiite juridical reasoning based on the Quran and hadith; Jāme‛-e ‛Abbāsī, one of the earliest and most influential practical legal manuals in Persian; al-Ithnā ‛Asharīyyāt al-Khams, comprising five legal treatises on ritual purity, prayer, almsgiving, the one-fifth tax, fasting, and pilgrimage; Zubdat al-Uṣūl, a foundational text in legal theory, which remained part of the Shiite seminary curriculum for many years²²; al-Wajīzah fī Derāyat al-Ḥadīth, one of the earliest systematic works in the science of derāyah; and al-Arbaʿūn Ḥadīthan, a compilation of forty hadiths from the Shiite Imams, each transmitted with a full esnād (chain of transmitters) and accompanied by explanatory commentary.

Sheikh Bahāʾī was highly skilled and influential in Arabic literature, and his works in this field hold a distinguished place. His most significant and precise contribution to Arabic grammar is al-Fawāʾed al-Ṣamadīyya, commonly known as Ṣamadīyya. He dedicated this book to his brother, Abū Turāb ‛Abd al-Ṣamad b. Hussein (d. 1611/1020). This work remains an essential part of the intermediate curriculum in Arabic grammar within Islamic seminaries.²³ Another major literary contribution of Sheikh Bahāʾī is Tahdhīb al-Bayān, a treatise on the science of rhetorical eloquence.

Among the disciplines Sheikh Bahāʾī mastered—as they were understood in his time—were mathematics, architecture, and engineering. His most well-known contribution in this field is Khulāṣa al-Ḥesāb, a mid-level textbook on mathematics.²⁴ Sheikh Bahāʾī’s deep engagement with mathematical reasoning occasionally led him to apply mathematical methods in addressing philosophical problems. For example, he employed geometric and mathematical arguments to refute the theory of the infinitude of dimensions,²⁵ to disprove the doctrine of the “indivisible particles”, also referred to as the “atomic or indivisible unity” or “monad/individual sustenance”²⁶, and to argue against the possibility of an infinite regress of causes and effects.²⁷ He also used mathematics in certain legal discussions in jurisprudence, such as calculating the volume and weight of kurr water (a specific legal measure of water used for ritual purification) and determining the neṣāb (the minimum taxable amount for zakāt). In al-Kashkūl, Sheikh Bahāʾī discussed a variety of mathematical and geometric problems, including an approximate calculation of the square root of an irrational number (jadhr aṣamm)²⁸ and techniques to estimate the height of structures without having measuring instruments.²⁹

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s most significant works in astronomy are Tashrīḥ al-Aflāk and Resāla fi al-Usṭurlāb. Among these, Usṭurlāb gained considerable scholarly attention, second only to Khulāṣat al-Ḥesāb, and remained a standard textbook in Islamic seminaries for some period.³⁰

In the field of geography, he authored several treatises, the most notable of which is Taḍārīs al-Arḍ, also known as Resāla fī Kurawīyyat al-Arḍ.³¹

Sheikh Bahāʾī also composed notable works in both prose and verse, and some biographical compilers have regarded him as one of the prominent Persian-language poets. As a result, they included accounts of his life along with selections of his poetry in their works.³²
The most important source for collecting his poems is al-Kashkūl. According to some scholars, poems not found in al-Kashkūl cannot be definitively attributed to him.³³
His Persian poems and writings have been compiled in two well-known collections—one edited by Sa‛īd Nafīsī, and the other by Ghulām-Hussein Javāherī—although neither collection encompasses the entirety of Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Persian literary output.

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Persian poetry primarily consists of narrative poems, lyric poetry, and quatrains. His lyric poetry follows the style of Fakhr al-Dīn ‛Arāqī (d. 1289/688) and Ḥāfeẓ (d. 1389/792), while his quatrains reflect influences from Abū Sa‛īd Abū al-Khayr (d. 1049/440) and Kh^wāje ‛Abdullāh Anṣārī (d. 1088/481). In his narrative poems, he adheres to the poetic tradition of Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (d. 1273/672). A defining characteristic of Sheikh Bahāʾī’s poetry is his profound inclination toward asceticism, Sufism, and mysticism. Some of his most renowned narrative poems include Nān va Ḥalvā, also known as Savāneḥ-e Safar-e Ḥejāz; Nān va Panīr; Ṭūṭī-Nāme; and Shīr va Shekar. Additionally, poems such as Nān va Khurmā, Sheikh Abū al-Pashm, and Rumūz-e Esm-e A‛ẓam have been attributed to him.

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Arabic poetry is also of significant importance. His most renowned and influential ode is Wasīlat al-Fawz wa al-Amān fī Madḥ-e Ṣāḥeb al-Zamān, a 63-verse panegyric dedicated to the Twelfth Shiite Imam, which dispels any doubts regarding his adherence to Twelver Shiism. Another well-known ode is his elegy for his father, which is included in al-Kashkūl ³⁴and was later emulated by poets after him.³⁵ His Ghadīrīyya, a poem in praise of the event of Ghadīr, places him among the prominent poets of this theme. Sheikh Bahāʾī also excelled in composing urjūza, a form of poetry traditionally associated with heroic and martial themes. Two of his well-known urjūzas include Herātīyya, also called al-Zāhera,³⁶ a description of the city of Herat, and Rīyāḍ al-Arwāḥ, a mystical poem.³⁷ Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Arabic quatrains are well known for their eloquence and emotional subtlety. Most of them express his longing to visit the sacred shrines of the Shiite Imam³⁸. In these Arabic poems, he not only declares his deep devotion and complete loyalty to the Ahl al-Bayt, but in some cases, he also voices disavowal toward their adversaries.

A significant portion of Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Arabic poetry consists of riddles and enigmatic verses. He was highly skilled in concise expression and in crafting complex literary puzzles. He also employed this talent in his legal writings, most notably in the five treatises of al-Ethnā ‛Asharīyya. Several short treatises and poetic riddles have been attributed to him, including: Lughaz al-Zubda, Lughaz al-Naḥw, Lughaz al-Kashshāf, Lughaz al-Qānūn, Lughaz al-Ṣamadīyya, and Lughaz al-Kāfiyya.³⁹

Sheikh Bahāʾī is credited with numerous architectural and engineering projects, which can be categorized into three levels of attribution: First, works with strong attribution: The most prominent among these is the hydraulic engineering system for the distribution of the Zāyandehrūd River* among the seven districts of Isfahan. The technical specifications of this system are documented in detail in the Ṭūmār-e Sheikh Bahāʾī* (the scroll of Sheikh Bahāʾī). Second, works attributed to him: These include the design of the Najafābād* qanāt, known as Zarrīn Kamar; the precise alignment of the qebla of the Jāmeʽ ʽAbbāsī Mosque* in Isfahan; the planning of the defensive wall of Najaf; the design and construction of a device to determine Islamic noon in the western courtyard of the Shah Mosque and in the shrine of Imām Reza in Mashhad; a wall design in the shrine of Imām Ali in Najaf that indicates Islamic noon throughout the year; the hexagonal plan of the courtyard and surrounding structures in the shrine of Mashhad; the invention of sefidāb, known in Isfahan as Sefidāb-e Sheikh; the construction of the Munār-e Junbān* (Shaking Minaret); the design of the dome of the Shah Mosque that reflects sound seven times; and the creation of a clock that required no winding.⁴⁰ Third, legendary or doubtful attributions: Some works attributed to him are regarded as legendary, likely inspired by his exceptional intellect and reputation. Among these is the so-called Ḥammām-e Sheikh Bahāʾī* (Sheikh Bahāʾī’s Bathhouse) in Isfahan, which is said to have been heated for a long period using nothing more than the flame of a single candle.⁴¹

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s deep involvement in occult sciences gave rise to various legends surrounding his name. Among them are accounts of his knowledge of Surme-ye Khafā—a mystical kohl said to render the wearer invisible—and the alleged transmission of this secret to unworthy individuals. He is also associated with the act of burying two magical stones in Shiraz and Isfahan to protect the cities from plagues and epidemics. As stated in al-Kashkūl, Sheikh Bahāʾī had access to a book comprising the occult sciences of Kīmīyāʾ, Līmīyāʾ, Hīmīyāʾ, Sīmīyāʾ, and Rīmīyāʾ— in an acronym as Kulluhū Serr (lit. “All of it is a secret”), a name formed from the initials of these five disciplines.⁴² Muhammad Taqī Majlesī also affirms Sheikh Bahāʾī’s association with those well-versed in hidden sciences.⁴³ Al-Kashkūl likewise includes several references to occult knowledge and talismans, indicating his familiarity with these subjects.⁴⁴ While the divination manuals published under his name are not considered authentic, their existence reflects the enduring influence of his persona in the popular imagination.

Religious Standing and Personal Disposition

Sheikh Bahāʾī’s scholarly status led to his appointment as Sheikh al-Eslām of Isfahan at the request of the Safavid rulers, a position he held until the end of his life. However, this official role did not align with his personal inclinations, as he was more drawn toward seclusion, asceticism, and a dervish-like lifestyle.⁴⁵ He viewed his migration from Jabal ‛Āmel to Iran and his association with the Safavid rulers as a source of spiritual decline and deprivation of higher mystical attainments. Lamenting his past, he would express his longing, saying, “Oh, how delightful is the kheṛqa (Sufi robe), and how precious is the kashkūl (begging bowl used by dervishes)” Nevertheless, the Safavid monarch derived considerable benefit from his presence. Sheikh Bahāʾī was also consulted and trusted by the Safavid kings in judicial matters as well as certain political and social affairs.⁴⁶ But his involvement never compromised his adherence to Islamic law. Sheikh Bahāʾī maintained a close connection with the general public, including dervishes and street performers in Isfahan, as he described himself as having a “qalandar’s disposition.” He was known for his generosity and maintained a large residence that served as a refuge for orphans and the needy, as well as a place for the care and upbringing of abandoned children.⁴⁷

Sheikh Bahāʾī was a passionate traveler who often journeyed in disguise, adopting the appearance of a poor, ascetic traveler. During his travels, he engaged in debates and discussions with scholars of various religions and Islamic sects.⁴⁸ He visited many cities and regions, including Tabriz, Mashhad, Iraq, Ḥalab, Shām, Kadhimayn, Herat, Azerbaijan, Arān, Ganja, Āmed, Egypt, Sarandīb, Ḥejāz, and Bayt al-Muqaddas.⁴⁹

Sheikh Bahāʾī was undoubtedly a scholar and jurist of the Imāmī Shiite tradition, and his works serve as clear evidence of his commitment to Shiism. Despite this, he has sometimes been mistakenly identified as a Sunni.⁵⁰ This misconception likely arose from his conduct and approach, as he practiced taqīyya during his travels and, due to his mystical tendencies, interacted with different communities in a manner that aligned with their religious customs. Consequently, many assumed he shared their beliefs.⁵¹ Sheikh Bahāʾī was a moderate Shiite jurist who, following the methodology of earlier scholars, engaged with the opinions and works of Sunni scholars. He wrote a commentary on al-Kashshāf by Maḥmūd b. ‛Umar al-Zamakhsharī (d. 1143/538) and also composed annotations on Anwār al-Tanzīl wa Asrār al-Taʾwīl by ʿAbdullāh b. ‛Umar al-Bayḍāwī (d. 1320/719), which is considered one of the most significant annotations on this exegesis.⁵² He also participated in theological debates with scholars of other sects, in which he defended the doctrines of the Imāmī Shiite tradition.

Sheikh Bahāʾī consistently maintained a lifestyle characterized by humility and asceticism. Despite his presence at the Safavid court, he followed a mystical and spiritual path, which led many Sufi sources to regard him with high esteem— at times, he has been portrayed as a consummate Ṣūfī.⁵³ However, it is important to note that attributing Ṣūfism to Sheikh Bahāʾī does not imply his endorsement of the popularized and institutional forms of Ṣūfism and dervish orders prevalent in the Safavid period. Rather, it refers to his personal spiritual inclinations, which are clearly reflected in his writings and poetry. In fact, the strongest evidence for his association with Ṣūfism comes from his own words and verses. In al-Kashkūl, he quotes many sayings of prominent Ṣūfī figures and praises some of them.⁵⁴ He refers to Muḥyī al-Dīn Ebn ‛Arabī (d. 1240/638) with reverent titles such as “the beauty of the Gnostics” (jamāl alʽārefīn), “the noble sheikh,” “the perfect one,” “the true mystic,” and “the realized servant of God.”⁵⁵ In al-Kashkūl, following extensive praise of Bāyazīd Basṭāmī (d. 874/261), he even describes him as the water-bearer of Imam Ṣādeq.⁵⁶ Other signs of his spiritual leaning include his admiration and reverence for Mavlavī.⁵⁷ According to Muhammad Taqī Majlesī, Sheikh Bahāʾī practiced spiritual retreat and engaged in lawful ascetic disciplines.⁵⁸ He also instructed Majlesī in devotional dhekr, and the latter regarded him as a saintly master. Majlesī even wrote his commentary on Man lā yaḥḍuruhu al-faqīh, titled Rawḍat al-Muttaqīn, based on a dream he considered to be among the blessings of his teacher.⁵⁹ Nevertheless, some sources also mention Sheikh Bahāʾī’s aversion to the dervishes and Sufi pretenders of his time, criticizing their customs and doctrines.⁶⁰ In his allegorical story Gurbe va Mūsh (The Cat and the Mouse),⁶¹ as well as in his poetry, he sharply attacks hypocritical and ostentatious Sufis. Several Shiite scholars have also offered evidence defending Sheikh Bahāʾī against the charge of association with institutional Sufism.⁶² Therefore, his Sufism should be understood as a form of spiritual discipline, self-purification, renunciation of worldly attachments, and striving for inner perfection—of which Sheikh Bahāʾī had an exceptional share. He is said to have excelled in spiritual vigilance and self-purification, and various spiritual marvels have been attributed to him. His burial site also remains a place of reverence.⁶³

It is noteworthy that, like many mystics, Sheikh Bahāʾī did not exhibit significant interest in philosophy and largely disregarded the discipline of kalām (Islamic theology). In his narrative poems Nān va Ḥalvā and Shīr va Shekar, as well as in several other poetic compositions, he subtly criticizes numerous works on rational sciences, expressing skepticism about their effectiveness in securing human salvation. He insists that the essence of true happiness lies in acquiring the science of love, while dismissing other sciences as the deception of the wretched Eblīs. Furthermore, he reproaches formal scholarly knowledge, describing it as nothing but disputation and idle talk and ultimately futile.⁶⁴ In al-Kashkūl, he warns against dedicating one’s life to the pursuit of sciences that do not contribute to true felicity and explicitly discourages such endeavors.⁶⁵

/Muhammad Hānī Mullāzade/

 

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1. This article was previously printed in The Encyclopaedia of the World of Islam, vol. 4, pp. 661-673, and has been published in The Encyclopaedia Isfahanica with slight modifications.[↩]
2. Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 218–224; Amīn, vol. 9, p. 234; Ḥurr ‛Āmelī, 1385/2006, vol. 1, p. 155; Madanī, 1297/1879, p. 3.[↩]
3. Muhājer, pp. 95, 146; Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 2, p. 119; Ḥārethī, p. 30; Amīn, vol. 8, p. 369; Eskandar Munshī, vol. 1, p. 155; Mīrāḥmadī, p. 54.[↩]
4. Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 2, p. 120; Baḥrānī, pp. 26–27; cf. Sheikh Bahāʾī, Kuīleyāt, ed. Nafīsī, p. 29.[↩]
5. Muhājer, p. 156; Sheikh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, p. 34; Kh^wānsārī, vol. 7, p. 58.[↩]
6. Eskandar Munshī, vol. 1, p. 156; Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 5, p. 94; Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, p. 441; Mu‛allem Ḥabībābādī, vol. 3, p. 822; Amīn, vol. 8, p. 369; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1987/1366, p. 163.[↩]
7. Nūrī, vol. 2, pp. 231–232; Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 5, p. 94; ‛Abbās Qummī, Favāʾed al-Raḍawīyya, vol. 2, p. 510; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1411/1990, p. 87.[↩]
8. See: Amīn, vol. 9, p. 242.[↩]
9. See: Madanī, 1324/1945, p. 290; ibid, 1297/1879, p. 3; Tunekābunī, p. 245; Khurāsānī, p. 640; E‛temād al-Salṭana, 1983–1984/1362–1363, pp. 447, 676; cf. ibid, 1984–1988/1363–1367, vol. 2, p. 915; Yūsuf Elyān Sarkīs, vol. 2, col. 1262.[↩]
10. See: Muhammad-Taqī Majlesī, 1406–1413/1985–1992, vol. 14, p. 435; Ḥusaynī Astarābādī, p. 217; see also: Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1411/1990, pp. 85–86.[↩]
11. For details regarding the vision and discrepancies among the sources, see: Madanī, 1324/1945, p. 291; Eskandar Munshī, vol. 2, p. 967; Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, pp. 454–455.[↩]
12. Eskandar Munshī, vol. 2, pp. 967–968; E‛temād al-Salṭana, 1983–1984/1362–1363, pp. 445–447; Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 5, p. 97; ibid, 1410/1989, p. 69.[↩]
13. Muhammad-Bāqer Majlesī, vol. 105, pp. 189–190.[↩]
14. Eskandar Munshī, vol. 1, pp. 156, 168; Afandī, 1415–1401/1995–1981, vol. 5, p. 95; Baḥrānī, pp. 434–435; Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, p. 440; Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 250–251; Amīn, vol. 9, p. 243; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1411/1990, p. 75; ibid, 1983/1403, vol. 1, p. 519; vol. 15, p. 378; Nūrī, 1415–1420/1994–1999, vol. 2, p. 252. [↩]
15. Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 252–260.[↩]
16. For further details, see: Muhammad-Bāqer Majlesī, vol. 106, pp. 146–151; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, pp. 237–239.[↩]
17. For a complete list of Shaykh Bahāʾī’s works, see: Nājī Naṣrābādī, 2008/1387.[↩]
18. Meaning “saddlebag” (tūbra).[↩]
19. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, p. 9.[↩]
20. Kh^wānsārī, vol. 7, p. 60; SHeikh Bahāʾī, 1994a/1415a, pp. 63–65.[↩]
21. Amīn, vol. 9, p. 236.[↩]
22. See: Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 267–269; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 6, pp. 102–103.[↩]
23. For information on the commentators on Ṣamadīyya, see: Shaykh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, pp. 71–72; Amīnī, vol. 11, p. 270; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 13, pp. 362–363.[↩]
24. Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 7, pp. 224–225; vol. 13, pp. 227–234.[↩]
25. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 2, pp. 204–205, 253.[↩]
26. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 266.  [↩]
27. Quṭb al-Dīn Lāhījī, p. 1072.[↩]
28. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 3, p. 437.[↩]
29. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 200–201; see also: Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 131–134; vol. 2, pp. 298–299, 303; vol. 3, pp. 166, 173, 224–225, 433–434.[↩]
30. For commentary and glosses on Tashrīḥ al-Aflāk, see: Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 263–264; ‛Abdullāh Ne‛ma, pp. 355–356; Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 4, pp. 186–187; vol. 6, p. 39.[↩]
31. Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 4, p. 200; vol. 17, p. 292.[↩]
32. For examples, see: Naṣrābādī, pp. 150–151; Hedāyat, 1965/1344, pp. 58–64; Idem, 1957–1961/1336–1340, vol. 2, pt. 1, pp. 12–15; Ādhar Bīgdelī, p. 174; Ṣabā, pp. 121–123; Gūpāmūyī, pp. 103–105.[↩]
33. Keyvān Samīʿī, p. 51.[↩]
34. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, p. 166.[↩]
35. One such example, along with the full text of the qaṣīda, is cited in Mūsavī Ḥusaynī, Nuzhat al-Jalīs, vol. 1, pp. 382–393.[↩]
36. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, pp. 189–194.[↩]
37. Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 225–227; see also: Mūsavī Ḥusaynī, vol. 1, pp. 371–381; Madanī, 1324/1945, pp. 296–298. [↩]
38. Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, pp. 454–455; Amīn, vol. 11, pp. 272–279; Ḥurr ‛Āmelī, 1385/2006, vol. 1, pp. 158–159.[↩]
39. Āqā Buzurg Ṭehrānī, 1983/1403, vol. 6, p. 189; vol. 18, pp. 334–336; Afandī, 1410/1989, pp. 67–68, 70.[↩]
40. Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 305; Amīn, vol. 9, p. 240; ‛Abdullāh Ne‛ma, pp. 55–56; Sheikh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, p. 51; Hunarfar, p. 455; Rafīʿī Mehrābādī, pp. 467, 471; Humāyī, vol. 1, p. 17.[↩]
41. Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 305; ‛Abdullāh Ne‛ma, p. 55; Shaykh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, p. 52; Rafīʿī Mehrābādī, pp. 397, 407. [↩]
42. For Sheikh Bahāʾī’s account of this, see: Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 3, p. 254. It is noteworthy that (kulluhū ser) or (Kalle sar) also refers to the chickpea-sized gland found in the brains of some ḥalāl animals, which is deemed impermissible (ḥarām) to eat according to Islamic law.[↩]
43. Muhammad-Taqī Majlesī, 1414/1993, vol. 5, p. 309.[↩]
44. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, p. 313; vol. 2, pp. 188, 309; vol. 3, p. 321.[↩]
45. Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 303; Madanī, 1324/1945, pp. 290–291; Muḥebbī, Nafḥat al-Rayḥāna, vol. 2, p. 292; Amīn, vol. 9, p. 237.[↩]
46. For examples, see: Falsafī, vol. 2, pp. 463, 534, 537, 625; Munajjem Yazdī, p. 225; Ḥusaynī Astarābādī, p. 135; Eskandar Munshī, vol. 2, p. 761.[↩]
47. Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, p. 441; Madanī, 1324/1945, pp. 290–291; Shaykh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, p. 79.[↩]
48. Tunekābunī, p. 245; Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, p. 440; Eskandar Munshī, vol. 1, pp. 156–157; Madanī, 1324/1945, pp. 290–291; Modarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 303.  [↩]
49. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1993/1372, p. 480; ibid, 1994a/1415a, p. 507; ibid, 1983/1403, vol. 1, pp. 29, 70, 236; vol. 2, p. 33; ibid, 1410/1989, p. 156; ibid, 1994b/1415b, p. 800; Tunekābunī, p. 238; Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athar, vol. 3, p. 440; Eskandar Munshī, vol. 1, pp. 156–157; Madanī, 1324/1945, p. 290; Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 303.[↩]
50. For example, Muḥebbī, Khulāṣat al-Athṯar, vol. 3, pp. 440–441, and Khafājī, p. 104, believe that Bahāʾī concealed his Sunnī identity from Shah ʿAbbās (a Shiite), and was regarded as a Shiite only because of his excessive love for the Imams; Bustānī, vol. 11, p. 463; for Amīnī’s strong response to Muḥebbī, see: Amīnī, vol. 11, p. 252.[↩]
51. Sheikh Bahāʾī himself explicitly alludes to this behavioral approach in his Qaṣīdat al-wasīla elā al-fawz wa al-amān; Kh^wānsārī, vol. 7, pp. 66–67; Baḥrānī, p. 19; Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, pp. 318–319.[↩]
52. Amīn, vol. 9, p. 244; Kh^wānsārī, vol. 7, p. 59.[↩]
53. Ma‛ṣūm ʿAlīshāh, vol. 1, p. 183; vol. 2, p. 322; vol. 3, p. 215, associates Bahāʾī—along with figures such as Mīrdāmād, Mīr Fendereskī, Mullā Ṣadrā, the First Majlesī, and Feyḍ Kāshānī—with the Nūrbakhshīyya and Ne‛matullāhīyya orders, and names him as a khalīfa of Sheikh Muhammad Mu‛men Sabzewārī of the Nūrbakhshīyya.[↩]
54. Among those mentioned are: ‛Abdul-Qādir Gīlānī (Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 2, p. 240), Juneyd Baghdādī (Ibid., vol. 1, p. 229; vol. 2, p. 305), Hussein b. Manṣūr Ḥallāj (Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 301, 312–313, 315), Hasan Baṣrī (Ibid., vol. 1, p. 311; vol. 3, pp. 230, 308), and Rābe‛e ‛Adawīyya (Ibid., vol. 1, p. 326); see also: Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1994a/1415a, p. 283; Ibid, 1412/1991, p. 111.[↩]
55. See: Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, p. 47; vol. 2, pp. 335, 349; vol. 3, pp. 56, 321; Ibid, 1994a/1415a, pp. 114, 116, 434.[↩]
56. Ma‛ṣūm ‛Alīshāh, vol. 1, p. 197.[↩]
57. For examples, see: Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, pp. 13–14, 276–277; vol. 2, pp. 7–8. On Bahāʾī’s opinion regarding Rūmī’s Mathnavī, see: Muhammad Ṭāher Qummī, p. 372.[↩]
58. Ja‛farīyān, 1991/1370, p. 266; Ibid, 1990/1369, p. 125; Ma‛ṣūm ‛Alīshāh, vol. 1, p. 284. [↩]
59. Muhammad-Taqī Majlesī, 1406–1413/1985–1992, vol. 1, pp. 17–18, 22; vol. 14, pp. 433–434.[↩]
60. Kāshānī, p. 33; Beḥbahānī, vol. 2, p. 397.  [↩]
61. On the contents, authenticity, and attribution of this work to Bahāʾī, see: Mīnuvī, pp. 49–55; Ḥusaynī Eshkevarī, vol. 8, p. 61; Munzavī, vol. 2, p. 1726.[↩]
62. See: Ḥurr ‛Āmelī, 1400/1980, pp. 16, 34, 53; Kāshānī, pp. 32–33; Amīn, vol. 9, p. 242; ‛Abbās Qummī, Sāfīnat al-Beḥār, vol. 2, p. 58; Sheikh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, ed. Nafīsī, pp. 46–47; Amīnī, vol. 11, pp. 283–284, in response to Nafīsī.[↩]
63. Jāpulghī Burūjerdī, vol. 2, p. 393.[↩]
64. Sheikh Bahāʾī, Kullīyāt, p. 154.[↩]
65. Sheikh Bahāʾī, 1983/1403, vol. 1, pp. 210–214.[↩]