Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh

Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, Mīrzā Hasan Eṣfahānī a prominent Sufi of the Ne‛matullāhī* order in the 13^th and 14^th/19^th and 20^th centuries.¹ The biographical account of Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh was composed in verse by his brother, Reza, known as Ḥuḍūr Ali Ne‛matullāhī, in a treatise titled Ta‛refat al-Awliyā, narrating Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s life in his own words.² Since the poetry of this treatise is considered literarily weak and unrefined, a prose summary of the work has been provided by Mas‛ūd Humāyūnī in his book Tārīkh-e Selsele-hā-ye Ṭarīqat-e Ne‛matullāhīye dar Iran (The History of the Ne‛matullāhī Order in Iran).³

According to this treatise, Mīrzā Hasan was born on December 6, 1835/3 Sha‛bān 1251 AH in Isfahan. His father, Muhammad-Bāqer, was a merchant who later migrated from Isfahan to Yazd.⁴ From a young age, Mīrzā Hasan was inclined toward Sufism. Although he was discouraged from associating with the ahl-e faqr, he seized every opportunity to meet and accompany them.⁵ It appears that the first person to have had a spiritual influence on him was Mullā Hasan Nāʾīnī.⁶ At the age of twenty, he set out from Isfahan for Shiraz with the intention of meeting Raḥmat-‛Alīshāh. Upon arrival, he joined the circle of his devotees and engaged in ascetic practice and the spiritual journey under his guidance.⁷

Mīrzā Hasan accompanied Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh to Kerman, and during this time, at his suggestion, he began composing the book Zubdat al-Asrār.⁸ After Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh’s demise, he pledged allegiance to Munawwar ‛Alīshāh, the uncle of Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh and a claimant to his succession, and endeavored to support him while rejecting his opponents. Among his efforts, he is said to have written articles asserting the superiority of Munawwar ‛Alīshāh over Sa‛ādat ‛Alīshāh.⁹ Additionally, in Zubdat al-Asrār, he composed verses containing sharp criticisms of Sa‛ādat ‛Alīshāh while defending Munawwar ‛Alīshāh.¹⁰

In Shiraz, Mīrzā Ḥasan received the title Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh and authorization for spiritual guidance from Munawwar ‛Alīshāh. He then traveled to India, where ‛Alīshāh Āqā Khān II (d. 1885/1302), the leader of the Ismā‛īlīs, welcomed him.¹¹ It appears that the reason for his journey to India was a request from ‛Alīshāh to Munawwar-‛Alīshāh to send a trustworthy shaykh from the Ne‛matullāhī order.¹² Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh later traveled to Mecca and performed the ḥajj.¹³ After returning to India, he completed the composition of Zubdat al-Asrār and had it published in Bombay with the support of ‛Alīshāh. During this journey, he met and conversed with many yogis and ascetics.¹⁴ After residing in India for four years, he traveled to the holy shrines in Iraq and visited Najaf, where he met Sheikh Murtaḍā Anṣārī to deliver gifts and messages from ‛Alīshāh. It is said that Sheikh Murtaḍā Anṣārī warmly welcomed him and implicitly praised Zubdat al-Asrār during this meeting.¹⁵ However, considering Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s period of stay in India, the book’s publication in 1862/1279, and the passing of Sheikh Murtaḍā Anṣārī in 1864/1281, the possibility of such a meeting remains doubtful.¹⁶

After visiting the holy shrines of Iraq, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh traveled to Yazd. At that time, tensions over the succession of Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh had escalated between Sa‛ādat ‛Alīshāh and Munawwar ‛Alīshāh. Although he had previously pledged allegiance to Munawwar ‛Alīshāh, he chose to distance himself from these disputes and once again set out for India, intending to spend the rest of his life in the Deccan. However, after residing there for two years, due to arising difficulties and hardships, he decided to leave for Mashhad. It seems, however, that this coincided with a period of famine, forcing him to continue his journey to Tehran.¹⁷

In Tehran, ‛Abd ‛Alīshāh Kāshānī, one of Munawwar ‛Alīshāh’s disciples, began opposing Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, arguing that since he was an itinerant sheikh, staying in Tehran for more than six months was not permissible for him. It seems that the growing support of Tehran’s residents and court officials for Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh played a role in intensifying these disputes.¹⁸ Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, who had long regarded himself as independent of Munawwar ‛Alīshāh, considered his spiritual connection to Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh as the foundation of his mystical legitimacy and path. He directly linked himself to Raḥmat ‛Alīshāh, bypassing any intermediary.¹⁹ One of the reasons for his separation from Munawwar ‛Alīshāh was that, despite his initial support for him, he regarded Sa‛ādat ‛Alīshāh’s authorization as more valid than the one claimed by Munawwar ‛Alīshāh. However, he also criticized Sa‛ādat ‛Alīshāh and did not consider him a worthy successor.²⁰ Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh asserted that the true mark of spiritual poverty (faqr) lies in renouncing worldly disputes, not in possessing a written authorization. He held that the legitimacy of a spiritual guide was based on moral refinement, detachment from worldly matters, complete reliance on God, avoiding the accumulation of wealth, concealing the faults of others, restraining one’s tongue from idle talk—especially falsehood, backbiting, and slander—and maintaining a heart free of malice and enmity.²¹

Due to his extensive knowledge of mysticism, his spiritual virtues, and his eloquent and captivating speech, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh attracted a number of craftsmen and court officials during the late years of Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh Qājār’s reign. Among them were Prince Sulṭān-Muhammad Mīrzā, the grandson of Fatḥ-‛Alīshāh; Mīrzā Naṣrullāh Khān Dabīr al-Mulk; and Ẓahīr al-Dawlah, who served as the master of ceremonies (wazīr-e tashrīfāt) and was also Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh’s son-in-law.²² ‛Abbās Ali Keywān Qazvīnī was also a disciple of Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh for some time but later joined Sulṭān-‛Alīshāh Gunābādī.²³

During his stay in Tehran, in addition to training disciples, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh composed works in both poetry and prose.²⁴ One of his significant endeavors was his opposition to Shaykhism and Bābism.²⁵ He even regarded one of the primary objectives of his poetic commentary on the Quran—besides encouraging Persian-speaking audiences to read and comprehend the mystical meanings of the Quran—as a means of combating Bābism. He believed that anyone who read this commentary would no longer pay attention to Bābism.²⁶ Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh strictly forbade Ne‛matullāhī dervishes from attending the sermons of the Shaykhis, asserting that their words were “honey laced with poison”, something not everyone could recognize them. He went so far as to decree that if a dervish had converted to Shaykhism and later wished to return to the Ne‛matullāhī Order, he should be cast out and not accepted back.²⁷

In 1893, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh also wrote a treatise refuting Ketāb-e Īqān, authored by Mīrzā Ḥusayn-Ali Nūrī, known as Bahāʾullāh.²⁸ This treatise was likely the same as Ṣafwat, in which Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh refuted Nūrī’s claims in Īqān.²⁹ In response, a Bahāʾī figure named Ḥājī Mīrzā Ḥasan Shīrāzī, known as Khurṭūmī, published a treatise titled Najm al-‛Erfān fī Radd man E‛taraḍ ‛alā al-Īqān in Bombay.³⁰ However, some mistakenly attributed this latter treatise to Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh himself.³¹ It appears that Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s refutation caused difficulties for the Bahāʾī administration, compelling them to respond and seek a resolution.³² In addition to Khurṭūmī’s treatise, several letters were written by ‛Abd al-Bahāʾ in reply to Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh. Rather than offering direct counterarguments, ‛Abd al-Bahāʾ adopted a conciliatory tone, praising Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s status in the realm of mysticism instead.³³

Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh passed away in Tehran on March 31, 1899/24 Dhū al-Qa‛dah 1316 at the age of 65. His tomb is located in the khāneqāh (Sufi lodge) on land that had been donated in 1877/1294 by Prince Sulṭān-Muhammad Mīrzā. Today, this khāneqāh is situated near Bahārestān Square on Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh Street.³⁴

It appears that during his lifetime, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh appointed Ẓahīr al-Dawlah, who held the title Ṣafā ‛Alīshāh, as his successor. However, after his passing, several of his other disciples also claimed succession, including Mīrzā ‛Abd al-Karīm, known as Ma‛rūf ‛Alīshāh; Mīr Ma‛ṣūm Khān Kermānī; and Sayyed Maḥmūd Khān Nāʾīnī, titled Ḥayrat ‛Alīshāh.³⁵

Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, who married in his final years, left behind three children.: two daughters and one son. One of his daughters passed away during his lifetime, while his son died at a young age after his father’s passing. His only surviving daughter, Shams al-Ẓuḥā Neshāṭ, born in 1862/1279, became a dervish under Ẓahīr al-Dawlah.³⁶ Shams al-Ẓuḥā excelled in poetry, painting, and silk weaving. Her pen name in poetry was “Shams.” In 1926/1305, she was awarded a gold medal in fine arts* from the United States.³⁷

Poetic Works of Ṣafī-ʿAlīshāh

1. Zubdat al-Asrār: This was Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s first composition, written in his early youth. The work explores the mystical dimensions of the martyrdom of Imam Hussein and his companions, aligning their sacrifice with the stages of the Sufi spiritual journey. In addition to composing this work in the meter of the Mathnavī, he drew significant inspiration from that revered text.³⁸
2. Baḥr al-Ḥaqāʾeq: This book serves as a commentary and explanation of Ṣūfī terminology, arranged alphabetically according to the Arabic alphabet (from alif to yāʾ). It follows the meter of Gulshan-e Rāz by Sheikh Mahmūd Shabestarī (d. 1320/720).³⁹ In composing this work, the author closely followed ‛Abd al-Razzāq Kāshānī’s ( 1335/736) Eṣṭelāḥāt al-Ṣūfiyyah, precisely rendering Ṣūfī terms into Persian based on Kāshānī’s arrangement and explanations.
3. Poetic Commentary on the Quran: A literary and mystical work composed by Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh over the span of two years, consisting of approximately 32,000 verses.⁴⁰ Commonly known as Tafsīr-e Ṣafī, this commentary is written in the meter of the Mathnavī. In this work, the author endeavors to intertwine tanzīl (the outward revelation) with taʾwīl (esoteric interpretation), striving to harmonize Sharī‛ah (the exoteric law) with Ṭarīqah (the Sufi path).⁴¹
4. Divan of Poetry: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh’s Divan comprises odes, lyrical poems, strophic poems, stanzaic poems, and quatrains, with his lyrical and stanzaic poems being the most renowned. Among his stanzaic poems, he composed a well-known and extensive mukhammas (five-line stanza poem) that delves into the journey of the human soul through the stages of existence. His lyrical poems, on the other hand, stand out for their bold, impassioned, and fervent tone. Overall, Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh holds a distinguished place in Persian poetry and literature, with scholars recognizing the delicacy and subtlety of his verses.⁴² He may well be considered the last great poet with a Ṣūfī inclination.⁴³

Prose Works of Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh

1. ‛Erfān al-Ḥaqq: A treatise on the secrets of the Sufi path and the etiquettes of the ṭarīqah, written in simple language. It is believed that he composed this work for Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh.⁴⁴
2. Asrār al-Ma‛āref: His final work, in which he emphasizes that attaining gnosis depends on divine grace and support, although one must also strive for it and be willing to sacrifice both life and wealth. This treatise delineates the qualities of true Ṣūfīs and provides criteria for distinguishing them from false claimants.⁴⁵
3. Mīzān al-Ma‛refa: A concise treatise explaining the meaning of humanity, in which the author asserts that true humanity depends on adherence to outward etiquette and inner spiritual conduct.⁴⁶ This work, along with Asrār al-Ma‛āref, was published in 1961/1340 in Tehran.

/Maḥmūd Reza Esfandiyār/

Bibliography

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1. This article was previously published in Encyclopaedia of the World of Islam, vol. 29, pp. 823–825, and later republished with minor edits in The Encyclopaedia Isfahanica.[↩]
2. Jamālzādah, pp. 1056–1057; for information on the contents of this treatise, see ibid., pp. 1056–1060.[↩]
3. Humāyūnī, pp. 261–288.[↩]
4. Mudarres Tabrīzī, vol. 3, p. 465.[↩]
5. Jamālzādeh, ibid.[↩]
6. Humāyūnī, p. 289.[↩]
7. Maʿṣūm ‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, p. 442.[↩]
8. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2000 / 1379, introduction by Taqī Tafaḍḍulī, p. 8; Humāyūnī, ibid.[↩]
9. See: Keywān Qazvīnī, pp. 263–264; Mudarresī Chahārdahī, p. 12.[↩]
10. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 1962 / 1341, pp. 118–121.[↩]
11. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2000 / 1379, ibid.; Maʿṣūm-‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, p. 445; Humāyūnī, pp. 264, 289.[↩]
12. Maʿṣūm-‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, p. 445.[↩]
13. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, ibid.[↩]
14. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, ibid.; Humāyūnī, pp. 289–290.[↩]
15. Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, ibid.; Humāyūnī, pp. 289–290.[↩]
16. See: Maʿṣūm-‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, p. 445.[↩]
17. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, ibid.; Maʿṣūm-‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, pp. 442, 446.[↩]
18. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2000 / 1379, pp. 22–24; also see: Mudarresī Chahārdehī, pp. 12–13.[↩]
19. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 1962 / 1341, pp. 72–74, 179, 181, 192; also see: Zarrīn-Kūb, p. 343.[↩]
20. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2000 / 1379, pp. 24–25.[↩]
21. See: ibid., pp. 25–27.[↩]
22. Humāyūnī, pp. 305–306; MUdarresī Chahārdehī, p. 11.[↩]
23. Keywān Samīʿī, p. 141.[↩]
24. Zarrīn-Kūb, ibid.[↩]
25. Mudarresī Chahārdehī, pp. 21–22.[↩]
26. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2000 / 1379, pp. 18, 23.[↩]
27. See: ibid., pp. 31–32.[↩]
28. Raʾfatī, vol. 3, p. 225; Mudarresī Chahārdehī, p. 17.[↩]
29. See: Raʾfatī, ibid.; Mudarresī Chahārdehī, p. 50.[↩]
30. Raʾfatī, vol. 3, p. 226.[↩]
31. See: Mudarresī Chahārdehī, p. 17; Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 2008 / 1387, postscript by Nājī, p. 1328.[↩]
32. See: Eshrāq Khāvarī, vol. 5, p. 171; vol. 9, pp. 49–51.[↩]
33. Ibid., vol. 5, pp. 172–174.[↩]
34. See: Maʿṣūm-‛Alīshāh, vol. 3, p. 446; also see: Humāyūnī, p. 258.[↩]
35. See: Humāyūnī, p. 316; Mudarresī Chahārdehī, pp. 33–34[↩]
36. Mudarresī Chahārdehī, p. 30.[↩]
37. Burqaʿī, vol. 3, p. 2010.[↩]
38. Karīm Barq, pp. 74–78, 95.[↩]
39. Zarrīn-Kūb, p. 343.[↩]
40. Karīm Barq, p. 108; Ḥasan-Zādeh Āmulī, p. 225.[↩]
41. Zarrīn-Kūb, p. 344.[↩]
42. See: Reza, pp. 160, 243–244.[↩]
43. See: Reza, p. 579; Zarrīn-Kūb, ibid.[↩]
44. Zarrīn-Kūb, ibid.[↩]
45. See: Ṣafī ‛Alīshāh, 1961 / 1340, pp. 49–56, 63–65; Zarrīn-Kūb, ibid.[↩]
46. Zarrīn-Kūb, ibid.[↩]