Jūbāre

Jūbāre, the oldest neighborhood and historical district of Isfahan, predominantly inhabited by Jews. The area has been referred to by various names in historical sources, including Jubāre, Jūybāre, Juhūd-bāre, Jūde-bāre, Jahān-bāre, and Javān-bāre. These variations in name are attributed to differing explanations of the district’s etymology. Some sources suggest that Jubāre is a shortened form of Jūybāre, named after a stream (jūy) of water that passed through the neighborhood or connected to a water channel running along the wall of city.¹ According to another narrative, when a group of Jews* settled in Isfahan after being freed from captivity by the king of Babylon, a bāre (fortress or stronghold) was built for them. This bāre was named after their homeland in Jerusalem as Juhūde, Yahūde, or Yahūdā, eventually evolving into Jūde-bāre and later Jubāre. The term bāre or bārū signifies an enclosed area or a city wall and may have been derived from the English word borough, indicating a district or a fortified settlement.²

The oldest source that mentions the etymology of Jūbāre is Tārīkh Eṣfahān* by Abū Nu‛aym Eṣfahānī* (d. 1038/430). According to him, the city of Jay*, which is the same as Isfahan, was built by Alexander the Roman, and its architect was Jay b. Zurāra (Fīrūz b. Yazdegerd). Alexander assigned Ādharshāpūr, the son of Ādharmānān, to construct the fortification of Isfahan and built four gates for it. The first gate was called Darvāze-ye “Khur”, meaning “Sun”. The second gate was Darvāze-ye “Māhbar”, also known as “Esfīs”. The third gate was “Tīrbar”, meaning “Gate of Mercury”, later called “Tīreh”. The fourth gate was named “Gūshbar”, which became known as the Jewish Gate.³ The term “Gūsh” here does not refer to the body part (ear) but rather derives from the Avestan Gāsh, the name of a sacred angel.⁴ According to Abū Rayḥān Bīrūnī,⁵ the fourteenth day of the month was called “Gūsh Rūz”, and Zoroastrians celebrated Gūsh Rūz during the month of Day, eating garlic and drinking wine. Bīrūnī also recorded Gūsh in Arabic as Kūsh and Jūsh. Āvī (d. 1320/720), the translator of Maḥāsen Eṣfahān* by Mufaḍḍal b. Sa‛d Māfarrukhī* (d. 11th century/5th century), mentions Darvāze-ye Gūshbar and, quoting Māfarrukhī, calls it the Gate of Jūsh.⁶ Thus, in ancient sources, Jūbāre may be interpreted as “Jūsh-bāre”, the Arabicized form of “Gūsh-bāre”, meaning the Gate of Gūsh.⁷ In Arabic, Gūsh transformed into Jūsh, and through frequent usage, shortened to Jū. Abū Nu‛aym Eṣfahānī also states that it was called Bāb al-Yahūdīya, the Jewish Gate.⁸

Jūbāre Throughout History

There are various accounts regarding the origins of Jewish settlement in Isfahan. However, it is certain that the establishment of the Jūbāre district coincided with the settlement of Jews in the area. According to a widely accepted tradition, after the Jews of Babylon were freed from the captivity of Bukhtanṣar/Nebuchadnezzar—referred to in Islamic and Iranian sources as Bukht al-Naṣr—Cyrus permitted them to return to Jerusalem. However, some of them chose not to return and instead migrated to the southern and central regions of the Achaemenid Empire. As they traveled, they compared the land and water of each place to those of Jerusalem, searching for a region that resembled their homeland. Eventually, they arrived at the area now known as Jūbāre, where they settled, cultivated the land, and contributed to its prosperity.⁹ Other narratives attribute the foundation of Jūbāre to Alexander the Great or Queen Shūshan-Dukht, the Jewish wife of Yazdegerd I of the Sassanian dynasty.¹⁰ Some recent studies consider the theory of Jūbāre’s establishment during the Sassanian era to be more plausible.¹¹

During the Sassanian era, the inhabitants of Jūbāre, Kūy-e Juhūdān, and the surrounding villages lived an agrarian lifestyle. However, due to ethnic and religious differences, their interaction with neighboring villages was limited, and they maintained a closed social system.¹² This situation persisted until 644/23, when Muslims peacefully conquered Yahūdīya*, just as they had done with Jay.¹³ According to Abū Nu‛aym, the name Jūbāre does not appear in the works of early Islamic geographers. Instead, they frequently referred to the district as Yahūdīya/al-Yahūdīya, which was likely derived from “Kūjahūdān”, the pre-Islamic name of the area.¹⁴ The earliest geographical source mentioning Yahūdīyya may be that of Ya‛qūbī (d. 897/284). He states that ancient Isfahan consisted of two sections: Jay and Yahūdīyya.¹⁵

After the conquest of Isfahan, Yahūdīyya became a center for migration and settlement for Iranians dissatisfied with Arab rule. According to Ya‛qūbī, the residents of Yahūdīyya came from various ethnic groups—mostly non-Arabs—and included both the aristocracy and peasant farmers.¹⁶ The report of Abū ‛Īsā Iṣfahānī*’s uprising against the caliph demonstrates the size and boldness of the Jewish community in Jūbāre during this period¹⁷. Around 767/150 AH, Ayyūb b. Zīyād* further revitalized Yahūdīyya and transformed it into a city. Ayyūb, who resided in Khushīnān* (the area now known as Aḥmadābād), connected the settlement of Yahūdīyya with his native village. At that time, this district constituted the southernmost part of the city, inhabited by both the affluent and the ruling class. In the same year, Ayyūb b. Zīyād constructed the Sha‛ayā *(Isaiah) mosque—located on what is now called Hātif Street—situated between the areas of Jay and Yahūdīyya, and built a palace for the Abbasid governor in Khushīnān. In addition, by his order, a bazaar was established for artisans, merchants, and laborers adjacent to Yahūdīyya.¹⁸

With the relocation of the administrative center from Jay to Yahūdīyya, Isfahan experienced substantial urban growth and expansion. Arab governors prioritized the development of Yahūdīyya, leading to the rapid integration of surrounding rural settlements, many of which now constitute the city’s historic districts. This process resulted in the formation of a significantly larger urban area. Over time, the convergence of Yahūdīyya with nearby settlements gave rise to a prominent commercial hub, which later became known as Meydān-e ‛Atīq* (the Old Square). In subsequent periods, it was referred to as Meydān-e Kuhne* (the Ancient Square), renamed Sabzeh Meydān* during the Pahlavi era, and since 2011/1390, it has been called Meydān-e Imām Ali*. A key milestone in this transformation occurred in 773/156, when Masjed-e Jāme‛* was constructed in the northeastern section of this square, on the remains of a Zoroastrian fire temple. This development marked Yahūdīyya’s transition into a major Islamic city.¹⁹ The trend of urban expansion persisted in the following centuries, and by the 10th century/4th century, geographers widely recognized Isfahan’s emergence as a thriving metropolis.

Maqdesī describes Yahūdīyya as the center of Isfahan, a large and populous city with pure water, flavorful fruits, and a temperate climate. It had both covered and open-air bazaar*s, attracting artisans and merchants, and was known for its high-quality linen production. He also highlights Masjed-e Jāme‛ as a prominent architectural feature within the marketplace.²⁰ With the rise of the Seljuks in 1037/428, Yahūdīyya, along with its Masjed-e Jāme‛ and Meydān-e ‛Atīq, underwent major expansion and urban development.

As Yahūdīyya flourished, Jay gradually diminished in significance, becoming a peripheral district of Isfahan.²¹ According to Abū Nu‛aym Eṣfahānī, by the 11th century/5th century, Yahūdīyya covered approximately 245 hectares (700 jarīb), bordered by the village of Yūvān* on one side, the village of Kharjān and Sunbulān* on another, the villages of Kamā‛ān* and Ashkehān* on the third, and Jarvāʾān* and Khushīnān on the fourth. The Jewish inhabitants of this area were primarily engaged in low-status occupations, such as bloodletting (Ḥejāmat), tanning, and butchery.²² A century later, Benjamin of Tudela estimated the Jewish population of Jūbāre at approximately 15,000. He also noted that the chief rabbi and spiritual leader of Iranian Jews, Sar Shalom, resided in Jūbāre.²³

It appears that the use of the term Jūbāre among Muslim geographers dates back to around the 13th century/7th century. One of the few scholars who referred to this district by both Yahūdīyya and Jūbāre was Yāqūt Ḥamawī (d. 1229/626). In his entries of al-Yahūdīyya and Jūbār, he notes that this district in Isfahan is also called Jūbāre.²⁴ After him, Ḥamdullāh Mustawfī (d. 1349/750), in his description of Isfahan, cites a poem by Kamāl al-Dīn Esmā‛īl Eṣfahānī*, a 13th-century/7th-century poet, in which the name Jūbāre is mentioned. He also refers to conflicts between the Ḥanafīs and Shāfi‛īs, and at times the Jewish community, in the districts of Jūbāre and Dardasht. He then reinforces this claim by citing a narration attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, stating that in the end times, the Dajjāl (Antichrist) will emerge from Yahūdīyya, or Jūbāre, in Isfahan.²⁵ In subsequent centuries, little information is available regarding Jūbāre, as with the expansion and prosperity of Isfahan, historical sources increasingly focused on the city itself rather than its districts. Consequently, even during the Mongol invasion of Isfahan and the mass killing of Jews, sources refer only to “the Jews of Isfahan” rather than specifically mentioning Jūbāre.²⁶ From this period onward, the treatment of the Jewish residents of Jūbāre played a crucial role in the rise or decline of the district’s significance. Although Jews were the original inhabitants of Jūbāre, over various centuries, they were forced—under pressure from the surrounding society—to adopt cultural elements from other groups.²⁷ For instance, Jean Chardin*, writing in 1676/1087, describes Jūbāre as a district known for its Shiite Muslim population.²⁸ It appears that the peak of hostility toward the Jews of Isfahan and their district occurred in the 15th century/9th century during the Safavid* era. This hostility was fueled by the influence of religious clerics and European visitors at the Safavid court, many of whom harbored deep-seated animosity toward Jews. Persecution of the Jewish community continued into the Qājār period, with frequent attacks on Jūbāre by various tribes and factions.²⁹ The hostile environment is also evident in the urban fabric and architecture of Jūbāre, which was designed with defensive considerations in mind. For instance, the courtyards of most houses were dug one to three meters below street level to provide greater security. Moreover, the alleys were often narrow and covered, preventing cavalry from entering and enabling residents to defend themselves more effectively. Other features of the traditional architecture of Jūbāre included low entrance doors and shorter buildings compared to other neighborhoods. One of the distinctive characteristics of Jūbāre’s houses, particularly those of Jewish residents, was the multiple rooms, designed to accommodate multiple families living together around a central courtyard. Furthermore, due to religious restrictions and legal limitations, residential buildings in Jūbāre were often built shorter than those in other neighborhoods.³⁰ A testament to Jūbāre’s decline in this period is a report by Mīrzā Hussein Khān Taḥvīldār*, recorded in 1877/1294, which highlights the district’s diminished vitality.³¹

By the late Qājār period, the situation for the Jews of Jūbāre improved, and they gradually regained some of their lost freedoms. Some remained in the neighborhood, restoring their homes, while others migrated to Tehran or relocated to other districts of Isfahan.³² During that time, Jews still constituted the majority of Jūbāre’s residents and homeowners. Additionally, the Dardasht* and Gulbahār* districts also had Jewish populations and synagogues*.³³

It has been reported that during the First Pahlavi period the Jewish population of Jūbāre numbered around 7,000, with some members migrating to Tehran and Occupied Palestine.³⁴ Until then, Jūbāre was largely self-sufficient in meeting its inhabitants’ basic needs—with essential services related to food, leather production, healthcare, and wine manufacturing provided predominantly by local artisans. This self-reliance continued until the late Pahlavi period, during which Jūbāre boasted three butcheries, two shops for cooking lentil stew, two shoemaking workshops, one fish bazaar, two bathhouses exclusively for Jews (named “Ali Gang” and “Āsher Kadkhudā,” respectively), and two Shekhs (Yeshivas).³⁵ Gradually, with the onset of the Second Pahlavi period, a clinic affiliated with the Alliance* Universelle and a Jewish kindergarten were added to the district.³⁶ In this period, new occupational avenues opened for Jews, enabling them to engage in trades such as antique dealing, retailing textiles in permanent shops rather than itinerant vending, as well as in government employment.³⁷ Concurrently, the Jews of Isfahan established the textile factory “Nakhtāb*,” with an individual named “Sāsūn” serving as its chief executive officer.³⁸ Despite these changes, Jūbāre remained an underdeveloped neighborhood, still in need of adequate urban and healthcare services. In 1931/1310, several residents of Jūbāre lodged a complaint with the ruler of Isfahan regarding the “dirt, dilapidation, dust, mud, and unevenness of the streets in the Jūbāre district, compounded by nighttime darkness.” Their demand was for comprehensive urban services to be provided to their neighborhood.³⁹ Over time, the situation did not improve. In 1960/1339, a group of residents once again submitted a letter of protest to the mayor, stating that although their district was one of the busiest areas in the city, “during summer, the stench from decomposing garbage and other waste became unbearable, while in winter, even the slightest rainfall turned the streets into an impassable, unsanitary quagmire.”⁴⁰

By 1971/1350, the number of neighborhoods within Jūbāre had significantly declined. According to Sirus Shafaqī, in the 1970s/1350s, Jūbāre consisted of nine small neighborhoods, namely Meydān Mīr, Latfar (or Latur), Dār al-Baṭīkh, Sayyed Aḥmadīyān, Darb-e Darīche (commonly pronounced as Darb-e Darche), Gūd-e Maqṣūd, Sulṭān Sanjar, Pāshākh, and Yāzdah Pīch. At that time, the total Jewish population of Isfahan was 2,300, residing in 329 residential units, of which 117 were in Jūbāre, while the rest were spread across other districts of Isfahan. ⁴¹The Jewish population of Jūbāre has continued to decline over the following decades, fluctuating but gradually decreasing. Official reports indicate that in 1986/1365, the Jewish population stood at 3,189, which had dropped to 2,933 by 1991/1370.⁴² More recently, in 2022/1401, the Jewish population was reported to be 2,267. ⁴³This population decline is attributed to various factors, including emigration abroad, relocation to other cities, and internal migration within Isfahan. In recent decades, wealthier Jewish residents have moved out of Jūbāre, settling in other parts of the city, particularly around Chahārbāgh*, especially in Kūy-e Muḥammadābād, Furūhar, and the ‛Abbāsābād* district.⁴⁴ Today, Muslims constitute the majority of Jūbāre’s population.

Urban Fabric and Architecture of Jūbāre

Contemporary Jūbāre spans an area of 36.48 hectares and is located in District 3, in the northeastern quadrant of Isfahan. The neighborhood is bounded to the north by Tuqchī* Square, to the south by Valī-‛Aṣr Street, to the west by Hātef Street, and to the east by Surūsh Street. The district begins at Meydān-e ‛Atīq/Kuhneh and extends past a series of synagogues, minarets, and the tomb of Kamāl al-Dīn Esmā‛īl, ultimately leading to the Sārebān Minaret and the Chehel Dukhtarān Minaret.

One of the most notable features of Jūbāre is its synagogues, which stand out for their distinctive architectural style. Unlike surrounding buildings, synagogue exteriors are clearly differentiated, often featuring a central dome with cylindrical windows to allow natural light to enter the interior space. Traditional homes in Jūbāre typically have rectangular courtyards, which were historically used for spinning and weaving activities. Due to the historic and heritage status of the district, construction and renovation are subject to strict regulatory oversight, limiting residents’ ability to modify or improve their properties. As a result, many of the existing structures have become increasingly dilapidated, and the delivery of urban services such as healthcare, education, and recreational facilities has been significantly hampered. This has led to the outmigration of younger and more affluent residents. In recent years, some residential units in Jūbāre have undergone reconstruction, though their architectural facades often clash with the traditional aesthetic of the neighborhood. Additionally, the conversion of residential properties into warehouses for nearby commercial shops—many of which have been rebuilt without proper planning—has disrupted the coherence of the district’s fabric and introduced heavy commercial traffic into what was once a residential area.⁴⁵ Nevertheless, due to Jūbāre’s proximity to the city’s main bazaar and the relative fairness in the distribution of municipal services, the neighborhood has gradually experienced a degree of revitalization. Older houses are increasingly being reconstructed using modern materials, and the construction of Kamāl Esmā‛īl Park in the heart of the neighborhood has helped alleviate the shortage of green space. Moreover, the alleys of Jūbāre have been widened and asphalted, and basic urban infrastructure such as electricity, water, gas, and telephone services are now available. Nonetheless, Jūbāre remains in need of further development and sustained attention from city administrators.⁴⁶

Historical Monuments of Jūbāre

The neighborhood of Jūbāre is home to several significant historical monuments. Among the most prominent are three minarets, which are visible from various parts of the district: Sārebān Minaret – Dating back to the Seljuk period (1037-1194), this minaret stands along the recently established Ṣāḥeb al-Zamān Street in Jūbāre. It bears a strong resemblance to the Masjed Ali Minaret, as both structures are three-tiered and constructed without a base. The Sārebān Minaret rises to a height of approximately 44 meters, contains 134 steps, and is decorated with relief brickwork* and intricate mosaic tilework*. Chehel Dukhtarān Minaret located in the northeastern section of Jūbāre, this brick minaret, measuring approximately 29 meters in height, dates back to the 11th century/5th century. It is the second oldest dated minaret in Iran. One of its most distinctive features is the use of the Naskh script in one of its inscriptions. The two Dār al-Ḍīyāfa minarets, each 38 meters tall, are located on Kamāl Street. They were constructed as a pair, featuring muqarnas* ornamentation and tilework. The architectural style of these minarets belongs to the Mongol period.

Furtherpore, Jūbāre is home to more than seventeen mosques, including Masjed Ali*, Kamar Zarrīn*, Meṣrī, and Masjed-e Karīm Sāqī, the latter of which, according to oral sources, was formerly a tavern that was later converted into a mosque. The density of tombs and shrines in this area surpasses that of other districts. These include the burial places of several Bābās, Pīrs, and Kh^wāje, such as the tomb of Pīr-e Pine-Dūz* and the tomb of Kamāl al-Dīn Esmā‛īl*, located near the Jewish synagogue in the southern part of Kamāl Street. Additionally, the district contains historic Jewish houses and several synagogues. The oldest synagogue in Jūbāre is registered under the name ‛Amū Sha‛yā*,⁴⁷ though the tile inscription above its entrance bears the name Mūsā-Ḥayyā, or in Hebrew, Mushe Ḥayyā.⁴⁸

Notable Figures and Scholars of Jūbāre

Historical sources refer to individuals associated with Jūbāre using the title Jūbārī or al-Jūbārī. Some prominent scholars and figures are mentioned with this attribution; however, it should be noted that not all those referred to as Jūbārī necessarily hailed from the Jūbāre district of Isfahan, as places bearing the same name existed in Marv, Herat, Jurjān/Gurgān, and even Tehran, and scholars from those areas may have been identified by the same title.⁴⁹ Among the notable figures specifically from Jūbāre in Isfahan are: Abū Manṣūr Maḥmūd b. ‛Abd al-Mun‛em b. Māshādha al-Jūbārī, Aḥmad b. Ali al-Sāmakānī al-Eṣfahānī al-Jūbārī, Abū Mas‛ūd ‛Abd al-Jalīl b. Muhammad b. ‛Abd al-Wāḥed b. Kutāh al-Jūbārī, Abū ‛Abdullāh al-Qāsem b. Faḍl b. Aḥmad b. Maḥmūd al-Jūbārī, and Aḥmad b. Ibrāhīm b. Ṣāleḥ b. al-Mundhar al-Jūbārī al-Eṣfahānī, all of whom were hadith transmitters and scholars active during the 11th–12th centuries/5th–6th centuries. Al-Sam‛ānī (d. 1166/562), author of al-Ansāb, cites some of them in his work.⁵⁰ Finally, mention should be made of Sīrūs Shafaqī* (d. 2022/1401.), who, although not originally from Jūbāre or of Isfahani descent, played a key role in preserving information about the district in the modern era. His book Jughrafiyā-ye Eṣfahān* remains a principal source for information on Jūbāre up to approximately 2001/1380, and has been extensively copied by later writers.

/‛Abd al-Mahdī Rajāʾī and Elhām Amīnī Kāshānī/

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Ya‛qūbī, Aḥmad b. Isḥāq, al-Buldān, ed. Muhammad Amīn Ḍanāwī, Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‛Ilmīya, 2002/1422.

Yāqūt Ḥamawī, Yāqūt b. ‛Abd Allāh, Mu‛jam al-Buldān, Beirut: Dār Ṣāder, 1995.

1. Jenāb-e Eṣfahānī, 1992/1371, p. 252; Shafaqī, 1974/1353, p. 404; Mehrīyār, vol. 2, p. 304.[↩]
2. Edalatnejad, p.91[↩]
3. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, pp. 33–34.[↩]
4. Mehrīyār, vol. 2, p. 305.[↩]
5. Abū Rayḥān Bīrūnī, p. 278.[↩]
6. Māfarrūkhī, pp. 39–40.[↩]
7. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, p. 34.[↩]
8. Mehryār, vol. 2, p. 306.[↩]
9. Ibn Ḥawqal, vol. 2, pp. 366–367; Maqdesī, p. 388; Yāqūt Ḥamawī, vol. 5, pp. 453–454; Abū al-Fedāʾ, p. 472.[↩]
10. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, p. 33; Shafaqī, 2002/1381, p. 255; see also: ‛Azrī, vol. 1, p. 11.[↩]
11. Nūrī Feshārakī et al., p. 201.[↩]
12. Shafaqī, 2002/1381, pp. 258–259.[↩]
13. Balādhurī, pp. 304–305.[↩]
14. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, p. 35.[↩]
15. Ya‛qūbī, p. 85; see also: Eṣṭakhrī, p. 198; Ibn Ḥawqal, vol. 2, p. 362.[↩]
16. Ya‛qūbī, pp. 85–86.[↩]
17. Shahrestānī, vol. 1, p. 216.[↩]
18. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, p. 35; for further information on the urban development of Yahūdīya, see: Shafaqī, 2002/1381, p. 260.[↩]
19. Shafaqī, 2002/1381, p. 261.[↩]
20. Maqdesī, pp. 388–389; see also: Ibn Rusta, p. 274; Eṣṭakhrī, pp. 198–199; Ibn Ḥawqal, vol. 2, pp. 362–363.[↩]
21. See: Nūrī Feshārakī et al., pp. 202–204; Yāqūt Ḥamawī, vol. 2, p. 202; vol. 5, p. 454; for further information on Meydān-e ʿAtīq and its connection with Jūbāre, see: Shafaqī, 2002/1381, pp. 449–452.[↩]
22. Abū Nu‛aym al-Eṣfahānī, vol. 1, pp. 35–36.[↩]
23. Ṭuṭīlī, p. 126.[↩]
24. Yāqūt Ḥamawī, vol. 2, p. 175; vol. 5, p. 453.[↩]
25. Ḥamdullāh Mustawfī, pp. 49–50.[↩]
26. For information on the Mongol invasions and the killing of Jews, see: Levy, vol. 3, pp. 55–66.[↩]
27. Shafaqī, 2002/1381, p. 453.[↩]
28. Chardin, vol. 4, p. 1398.[↩]
29. Shafaqī, 1974/1353, p. 402; see also: ‛Azrī, vol. 1, p. 13.[↩]
30. Shafaqī, 1974/1353, pp. 421–422; for further information on the residential characteristics of this neighborhood, see: ibid., pp. 416–422; see also: Esther’s Children, pp. 110–111.[↩]
31. Taḥvīldār, pp. 32–33, 107; for further information on this period, see: Jenāb-e Eṣfahānī, 2014/1393, pp. 253–268.[↩]
32. Dehqān-Nejād, p. 130.[↩]
33. Hārūnīyān, interview dated December 28, 2024/7 Dey 1403; Hunarfar, p. 178.[↩]
34. Tājpūr, p. 40.[↩]
35. Ebrāhīmī, pp. 124–135; Levy, vol. 3, p. 675.[↩]
36. Hārūnīyān, interview dated December 28, 2024/7 Dey 1403.[↩]
37. Shafaqī, 1974/1353, p. 412.[↩]
38. Rajāʾī, p. 174.[↩]
39. Sāzmān-e Asnād-e Mellī, document no. 77635/293.[↩]
40. Sāzmān-e Asnād-e Mellī, document no. 84258/293.[↩]
41. Shafaqī, 1974/1353, pp. 403, 410–411.[↩]
42. See: Shafaqī, 2002/138, p. 459.[↩]
43. Āmārnāme-ye Shahr-e Eṣfahān 1400, p. 87.[↩]
44. See: Shafaqī, 2002/1381, p. 467; ‛Azrī, vol. 1, p. 15.[↩]
45. Shafaqī, 2002/1381, pp. 454–457, 462–464; Jahān-e Eqteṣād, 2023/1402.[↩]
46. Dehqān-Nejād, p. 137.[↩]
47. Hunarfar, p. 178.[↩]
48. Dehqān-Nejād, pp. 134–136.[↩]
49. Sam‛ānī, vol. 3, pp. 376–378; Yāqūt Ḥamawī, vol. 2, p. 176.[↩]
50. Sam‛ānī, vol. 3, pp. 373–375; Yāqūt Ḥamawī, vol. 2, pp. 175–176.[↩]